Family Types with Crisis Resolution

13 Haziran
Family Types with Crisis Resolution

We looked further at the aforementioned 26 families in which the therapist reported successful resolution of the major crisis—a crisis that almost always involved the drug-related behavior of the addict (the addiction cycle). Our assumption was that the continued im-provement of the addict would be followed by the emergence of other family problems, usually between the parents. The therapist would then attempt to help the family deal with these additional problems in a way that did not involve the addict. For example, in one case the mother's drinking problem emerged and the father threatened to leave the family. The therapist encouraged the parents to stay to-gether, since a separation at this point might be interpreted by the addict as being his responsibility, encouraging a relapse. At the same time, the addict was told that the therapist was better equipped to handle the problem than the addict, and that the most helpful thing for him to do would be to continue work on his own career interests. The addict's continued improvement seemed assured when the thera-pist convinced the father to take the mother to Alcoholics Anonymous and become involved in her care.
The successful blocking of the addiction cycle resulted in the emergence of interpersonal problems in the family in all 26 cases; in 17 of them, these later problems assumed crisis proportions. The relationship between the addiction cycle and the masked family prob-lem tended to assume one of four forms:

1. In some families, it was possible both to (a) get the family to change its behavior toward the addict and deal success-fully with crises around his behavior, and (b) produce major shifts in the parents' behavior without an explicit crisis de-veloping between the two of them. This pattern emerged in 9 of the 26 cases. Examples, such as in Chapters 10 and 11, included the therapist supporting the father to be more effective and the mother less involved, and having the parents accept this shift without other problems developing (such as threats of divorce, the mother becoming depressed, the father drinking, etc.). We hypothesized that the outcome of this group would be most positive.
2.     Another group of cases expected to be successful were those in which the addictive crisis was resolved, and other family problems emerged that also proved to be resolvable. Nine of the 26 cases were of this type. For example, in one case the addict became hysterical as other family problems emerged, threatening suicide, provoking a crisis at his job, and/or using illegal drugs. After the parents pulled together to avert such behavior, and the son was successfully detoxed from methadone, both the mother and the father began to display similar crisis-like behavior. The mother disclosed to the therapist that she was developing "nerv-ous symptoms- and the father revealed that he had a drinking problem that was becoming worse. In this type of family it is important to normalize these complaints as part of the thera-peutic process. For example, the therapist explained that this was common during this stage of the treatment. Both parents had worked so hard to cure their son of heroin that they needed to feel a period of nervous exhaustion, or -a bit low,- and would probably begin to experience differences between themselves. This set the stage for the emergence of a major family issue: the maternal grandmother had lived in the home for several years. This had become such a long-term taboo topic that both parents feared that discussion of it would destroy the family. However, the experience of working to cure their son of heroin had strengthened the relationship between the parents. They had shared something with each other and were therefore able to deal with the grandmother as well. The decision to put the grandmother in a nursing home was followed by a period of relative peace between the parents and their son continued to improve.
3.     In a third type of family, the addiction cycle masked problems in another family member that were not resolvable within the constraints of a concentrated, brief therapy model. In these families, as the addiction cycle was broken, another member of the family became vulnerable and was handicapped in a real way. This was not -deterioration- in the usual sense, but more a maintenance of the status quo, or perhaps of -first-order-change.rs6 We found four cases of this type. In one family, the therapist was able to mobilize the parents to thwart the addict's 
efforts to leave treatment and his job as he approached the end of a planned period of detoxification from methadone. Yet as the addiction cycle was broken, both parents literally broke down. The father was hospitalized for a heart attack and the mother threatened to leave home. The family responded to this threat in a way that kept the addict uninvolved, although other family members took his place in rescuing the parental couple: the sister divorced her husband and returned home to live, and another sibling began to use illegal drugs. In a similar family, a brother began to use drugs after 2 years of abstinence, following the IP's detox from methadone. In a third family, the father's drinking problem became worse as his son remained free of drugs. The therapist's efforts toward getting the mother to help her husband through this problem initially required psychi-atric hospitalization of the father. Treatment was successful in freeing the addict of his addiction and a I -year follow-up indica ted that he had remained drug-free and had completed an apprentice-ship that allowed him to become successfully self-employed; yet, he remained living with his mother and in a follow-up interview it appeared that he and his mother talked about his father much in the same way that the mother and father had previously talked
about him.
Families of this type may at first appear quite similar to those of Type 2 (above), in that crises occur in other family members. However, the Type 3 families are considerably more persistent in maintaining a symptomatic member once the ad-diction cycle has been broken, and the crises that they do generate are usually more intense and difficult to manage than in the second type. Further, although the addict's functioning may appear dramatically improved from where he was at the beginning of treatment, the separation from his family may remain mar-ginal, with other family members taking his place in rescuing the family through self-destructive acts. Cases such as this usually require additional sessions to reach a point of stability and re-organization without major problems.
4. In a fourth type of family (four cases), breaking the addiction cycle provoked a crisis worse than the addiction cycle itself. It would appear that these families are tightly enmeshed and that their structures for resolving conflict are so fragile that when stressed to resolve crises in a different way they explode violently. For instance, in one family146 the process of treatment was similar to that of other families in the sample: the addict threatened to leave treatinent and quit his job as he approached detoxification, and the parents mobilized to prevent this, thus interrupting the addiction cycle. As the addict continued to im-prove and move away from his family, the parents threatened separation and two siblings overdosed on drugs—one fatally.* This is another instance where a more flexible and extended treatment paradigm might have resolved or prevented these other events from reaching such catastrophic proportions.
Addit onal Considerations
Some might view the above typology of crisis resolution as one of "therapeutic systems" rather than of addicts' families rani- therapist. The four categories were defined ex post facto, having been derived from various classes of observed family behaviors. However, these behaviors emerged within a context that also included a therapist. It is possible that some families might have shown patterns that were more or less dysfunctional than actually occurred here, given a dif-ferent therapist, or given the same therapist making different inter-ventions. It is difficult to completely separate therapists' contributions from the family events used for categorization.
On the other hand, we do not consider all 26 families to be interchangeable, that is, that they were assigned to one of the four types primarily due to their therapists' operations. In fact, therapeutic factors are partially controlled, since all the families at least resolved the addiction crisis. In sum, we believe the typology has validity as a family typology, not one of therapeutic systems, per se. At worst, if there has been slippage between the four types due to therapeutic factors, it is our opinion that no family would have shifted more than one category adjacent to its assignment within the schema.

Related to the above, it might be instructive to examine an extreme example of the kind of reaction that can occur in some families when little or no family-oriented 'intervention is attempted. This case was not seen in family therapy because it was not eligible for our family-treatment program. We knew about them because we initially tried to engage them in therapy, before their ineligibility was determined. The addict continued in the standard methadone program and as he approached detoxification, he became involved in criminal behavior and initiated violence toward the family, seemingly as a harbinger of the events to follow. His actions marked the beginning of a disasterous chain of events within the family that resulted in five deaths. Three brothers and a nephew died of drug overdoses and the father died in the hospital of a heart attack. This family clearly demonstrates the interlocking nature of addicts' families, giving a picture of the extremes to which the dysfunctional cycle can swing

M. DUNCAN STANTON/THOMAS C. TODD

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